An 'oe' ligature has
been removed. Its function is to kill and be killed. Islam is more opposed than
the caste system to "Ahimsa." An attempt in which he is bound to fail. They consist of speeches made by the Viceroy, and members of
Government in the Legislative Councils. We wish to be
masters of our own destiny. There are some amongst us who
consider that Home Rule, is an immediate necessity. But all are agreed
that we should work for it. These are given in various books which have been published and in his
paper "Young India", edited by him. We are kept in a state of slavery. They
behave insolently towards us, and disregard our feelings." We may get it when we have
the same powers. We shall then hoist our own flag. As is Japan so must
India be. We must own our navy, our army, and we must have our own
splendour. He gives his views on the poverty of India. It is a sign of
savagery to settle disputes by fighting. It is not the less so by asking
a third party to decide between you and me. Such is his opinion of
lawyers and of Courts. He is even more harsh on doctors. Surely by our negligence or indulgence. I overeat, I have indigestion,
I go to a doctor, he gives me medicine. I am cured, I overeat again,
and I take his pills again. The doctor intervened and helped me to
indulge myself. My body thereby certainly felt more at ease, but my
mind became weakened. A continuance of a course of medicine must,
therefore, result in loss of a control over the mind. There is no use in arguing with him and his dupes on this subject after
this. About education, his views are equally remarkable. So much for primary education. It is worth noting that by receiving English education, we
have enslaved the nation. Hypocrisy, tyranny etc. Now, if we are doing anything for the people at all,
we are paying only a portion of the debt due to them". After all this, it will not surprise any one to be told that we must
have nothing to do with machinery:--
"It was not that we did not know how to invent machinery, but our
forefathers knew that, if we set our hearts after such things, we would
become slaves and lose our moral fibre. They saw that our real happiness and health consisted
in a proper use of our hands and feet." Precisely the
same should be done to-day. In India we have not got that trouble. Both these are
harsh terms, but exactly fit the case. Balfour." The Parliament is simply a costly toy of the nation. These
views are by no means peculiar to me. "That you cannot accept my views at once is only right. If you will
read the literature on this subject, you will have some idea of it. All this is worth thinking over." After all this one would naturally think that if we expel the English
from India we would be happy. Not a bit, says Mr. Gandhi whose views
about independence are peculiar. Look, he says, at Italy. The gain is only
nominal. This means in
short, that India must accept European civilisation ... but the fact is
that the Indian nation will not adopt arms and it is well that she does
not." She must not therefore use force to fight the English. But what is it she has to do. Because we are in an abject condition, we think that the whole of India
is in that condition. As a matter of fact, it is not so, but it is as
well to impute our slavery to the whole of India. Hence there is
no idea of sitting still. But such is not the
fact. Such is the real Gandhi. There is no harm perhaps as long as such fantastic visionaries restrict
the application of these principles to themselves, to their own persons
or properties. These are the sentiments he expressed in 1908, and it was with these
sentiments that he came to India. They perpetuate
vice, misery and degradation and real slavery". But such is my conviction. At best they are a necessary
evil. The Khilafat question first, the Punjab wrongs next are given as the two
grounds for discarding the Reform Scheme and demanding Swarajya or
immediate Home Rule for the prevention of similar wrongs in future. Hon. Ameer Ali, Messrs: Yusaf Ali, H.
K. Kidwai etc. Hon. Ameer Ali, Hon. Mr. Bhurgi, Mr. M. H. Kidwai. under Turkish sovereignty. This of course
was an impossible demand. Whether the evacuation of Aden is included in this, I
am unable to say. But this is no difficulty to him. That Syria is not under England did
not matter. During the internment they did
not cease to preach sermons of virulence against the Government, and
even after their release they did not cease their propaganda of hatred
against the British Government. Let there be no mistake about this, no camouflage. But there are some of us who
are too experienced to be caught by this mischievous and pernicious
chaff and must sound the warning to those less experienced and more
gullible. The Khilafat associations throughout the country were intended to carry
on the "non-violent non-co-operation" campaign against Government. XVI). There is no judicial
description of this development in Malabar, the most notorious instance. The collections were to be made by means of a
"paisa" fund, an old idea. It clearly had little effect. One of the men who signed it, on the 4th
April (it had been issued on the 1st April) at a public meeting
apologized for it on his own and the other signatories' behalf and they
were pardoned for having signed it. They ended in the conviction of the 6
volunteers and their being fined Rs. The fines were not paid. More instances can be easily
given. I). III). One
narrative is by Mrs. Besant. V). IV). All this was too much even for
their dupes who have entered a spirited protest (App. III). The future may be envisaged. I doubt whether any
influential newspaper or any publicist in America, England or the
continent support the Khilafat claim as advanced by Indian Mahomedans or
by Gandhi. The Khilafat movement does not want, and Mr. Gandhi is not for, any
reasonable settlement of the Mahomedan grievance or for Home Rule. It is not the Caliph
grievances that have led him to claim political independence. He wants
to destroy the British Government, as a hater of all Governments. I doubt whether anybody was
in a position to know more of it than I was. The conditions now have entirely changed. But that is not the question now. This is not right. During the crisis they refused to
come forward to substantiate their complaints of maladministration of
Martial Law, even of those matters within their personal knowledge. Others will leave of their own accord." I would
keep just enough to police India. A:--No. A:--You are right, I agree. But when the Khilafat question is out of the way, then
the Afghan people will not have any design on India. I
would also give them a little subsidy. Well, he knows or ought to
know they are impossible demands. Loyalty to such an Empire was disloyalty to God". He excludes all those who
do not belong to his Congress. But this is the last thing he will
do, for various reasons. Of course Mr. Gandhi does not
know these results. This consequence follows from his acceptance of the caste
system. It does attach by
birth. A man cannot change his Varna by choice. Of course he does not
want that education which is indispensable for those who occupy the
higher Government offices in the country. VI). VI). VII). Here we come to the most sinister aspect of the matter. But as a matter of fact he went further than this. But I do not think for a moment he
believed what he said. I Must
attain Swaraj. Try to have
money and ask me to give an account of the same. If the students of India do not
help, me it does not matter. If the pleaders do not help, it does not
matter." The force it exercises is almost through our own people. They go on. They
apply to special classes. I
believe he does not really know what he is doing. This means, as I have no doubt, Mr. Gandhi knew, he
was putting off Swaraj indefinitely. On these questions the education of Mr.
Gandhi has only commenced. About temperance also the move is salutary. VI). XX). We must do neither. The volunteer organizations were pledged to
act accordingly. VII). VIII). IX). X). XI). XVI). XVII). XIII). XIII). XIII). XII). XIII). XV). XXII). XIX). This attitude no doubt surprised him. XX). The only difficulty
in his way is that they don't. What is Mr. Gandhi's advice? The Legislative Councils are dealing with the
question. But to him this does not matter. Indian History is being
rewritten. The conditions are all favourable to India. There are Indians
in the Viceroy's and other Councils. These are not the intellectual leaders of
the white races, nor are they those who set the best standards of
morality. There can be only one answer. What is Mr. Gandhi doing? Since the above lines were written Mr. Gandhi has been arrested, tried
and convicted. XXI). There are signs however
of a general recognition throughout the country that Mr. Gandhi's
theories are no longer suitable as a guide for political action. But there is little doubt that it would
take a long time to eradicate the feeling of hatred that has been roused
by Mr. Gandhi throughout the country. His
words are remarkable. But this is no new
discovery. Lord Chelmsford knew it. One of the
mopla leaders when tried for rebellion pleaded that he was under the
impression that the British Government no longer ruled the country and
had abdicated. The Khilafat Raj is established there; on August 1, 1921, sharp to the
date first announced by Mr. Gandhi for the beginning of Swaraj and the
vanishing of British Rule, a Police Inspector was surrounded by Moplas,
revolting against that Rule. These are the men on whom the true pacification of
Malabar must ultimately depend. On that, there is no doubt whatever, so far as Malabar is
concerned. They saw the N.C.O. It is not what they accept; it is what
facts demonstrate. N.C.O. is dead in Malabar. That is the ghastly result of the
preaching of Gandhism, of N.C.O. of Khilafatism. 's, who have made "war on the Government" in their own way. The misery is beyond
description. In all, the arrangements were good. He is now in the hospital. During the last week news of numerous murders and forcible conversions
came from another quarter also, Mannur near Aniyallur and Kadalundi
railway station in Ernad taluk. This he witnessed from a tree. There are several instances of
such mean atrocities which are not revealed by people. (Sd.) +K. P. Kesahava Menon+,
Sec. Kerala Pro. Cong. Comit. (Sd.) +K. Madhavan Nair+,
Sec. Calicut Dis. Cong. Comit. (Sd.) +T. V. Mohamad+,
Sec. Ernad Khilafat Comit. (Sd.) +K. Karunakara Menon+,
Treas. Kerala Pro. Comit. (Sd.) +K. MADHAVAN NAIR. VI. 2. These are not fables. 3. 4. No ban was put on litigants, without whom
the lawyer cannot thrive. The few courts of justice, we called into
existence have not had enough support and are a mockery. Some may carry it
in the Councils, face to face with the officials. N.C.O. He comments
on the policies of Government, suggesting remedies as he goes on with
his comments. This is an
urgent need of the hour. They are simply to make a
"statement." Only, it has the disadvantage of being
prolix and unconvincing. It, therefore, fails of its mark more often
than a lawyer's defence. "The tenantry were widely stirred up. This has been done". Alarming reports were also
received from Saharanpur, Aligarh and Gorakhpur. Indeed, there is a feeling of general relief. The police who had resigned are now applying to be
taken back." The truth is far otherwise. Law and order are mainly kept by
force, and that with difficulty. They are very easily upset. I allude to Mr. Jawahir Lal Nebru. You may well ask why. We were wrong. There are copies of reports
from districts as wide apart and representative as Meerut, Cawnpur,
Fyzabad, Etawah, Balia, Barabanki and the peaceful district of Aligarh,
which, according to its member, Thakur Manak Singh, is now the scene of
this campaign of repression. advocates of soul force. There are many other instances which strike
me, but there is one typical instance from Etawah. It was picketed. We are bound to support
our loyal servants, who, through all these troubles, have served us
faithfully. Now
gentlemen, what does that mean? If that is
not the essence of anarchy I do not know what is. Of course it was not. It was enacted to meet an
outbreak of anarchy in Bengal. In consequence of this, we issued orders for
the arrest and production of a certain number, not all, of the leaders. I have stated the facts, and I accept the responsibility. I see no
other way out. They
were wild in their abuse of Government, officials and specially the
Police. He exhorted
the crowd to "become volunteers, enrol volunteers and fill the
jails--victory to Islam". The cry was taken up by the crowd. The police were abused and
Government servants were called dogs and pigs. On this day ten
volunteers were arrested. On this date also there was the same commotion
in the city, but the number of volunteers decreased. They then proceeded towards the Bhapa Bazar, and formed
a procession. The
charred remains were recovered, some in front of the thana, others in
the thana compound and one at the back of the thana. The windows have been removed, and there are wide apertures in
the roof. But I do not believe for a moment that
this is what people want. And that, no doubt, is why we find so many
other reasons advanced for adopting non-co-operation. A world in agony. Surely
not. I confess that it was with
amazement that I learned that there was a small section of people, in
this land of all lands, who had so far forgotten the dictates of
courtesy as to urge the boycott of the Royal visitor. Well one lives and learns. They call the Government "Satanic". These are, indeed, but the heralds of red
revolution. One of the Turkish shells actually struck the
Kaaba, burned a hole in the holy carpet and killed nine persons who were
kneeling in prayer. These are the facts. But such
episodes were not confined to Calcutta. And that, indeed, has already been the actual
result. The life of city was paralysed. Certainly not. Just come face to face with your
opponent. Let yourself be cut to pieces, even to death but do not let
any loss come to the Khilafat. Nothing could be further from the truth. Very well then, what we are asked to do is this: To declare
that the volunteer corps enrolled and trained for civil disobedience are
lawful associations. The police stations
and courts will then be treated as Swaraj property. Very well then, Mr. Gandhi knows that picketing is not peaceful. A general spirit of contempt for authority and defiance of law and order
is being fostered. If these be cut away,
society fall into the abyss of anarchy and is shattered. That is, most briefly,
the position in India as a whole. That is the civil disobedience which
is being preached, and which, if we are to believe the three speeches
which we have just heard, is a little excitement which, in the words of
one speaker, can be disposed of by a "flick of a handkerchief." That is the issue which is before the Council. This is not the first occasion on which the Government of Behar and
Orissa have explained to the public their attitude towards the
non-co-operation movement and their reasons for the action taken on the
10th December last, which forms the subject of this Resolution. During the past twelve months they have seen
these associations growing in number and boldness, spreading unrest
throughout the public life of the Province, poisoning and confusing the
minds of simple people, interfering with liberty of action, and not
infrequently having to resort to force in order to compel obedience to
their mandates. After all Government had to follow the evidence at their
disposal. This is
what we heard about its organization. Each squad was to consist of 20 volunteers. Each squad
would be under an officer. Members of
Council know as well as I do what followed. This Government is not out for repression. The police have come in for more than their fair share
of attention from the non-co-operators during the week and the
Superintendent of Police is of opinion that his force has become
exasperated almost beyond endurance by the gross insults and abuse that
has been heaped upon them. Europeans and loyal Indians are expressing their disappointment that
Government did not continue strong measures against the non-co-operation
movement." The sub-jail can only be described as in a state of mutiny. "All roads here stopped by volunteers. Come if possible, position critical". On arrival at the Bungalow I
found Mr. and Mrs. Gray and their three children absolutely shut off and
isolated by three volunteers. I know we shall be met with the old cry of repression, but in this case
it is a stupid cry. There is no midway between
them. _The Pioneer 1st February, 22._
Has the hon. It is a pertinent question, and, with your
permission, Sir, I will give a few instances by way of answer. Let us take this town of Patna. The hon. member did not, as some do, deny _in toto_ that, there had been
intimidation. I say there is in fact but little difference. In Tirhut
the crime manifest and overt, and in Patna it is suppressed. It is a simple story. The inevitable result
of such a sanction is violence. They are fishing in troubled waters. But there are
difficulties. First how many of the hon. I confess it
seems to me, when Hon. Hon. I
ask the hon. Success is in the hand of God. The third
object, Hindu-Muslim unity, is the common object both of the League and
the Congress. As a result, the League remains
nothing more than an old calendar. A National Parliament. There can be only one solution for all these
problems. Up to November no steps, save in
Delhi last year, were taken against the volunteer associations. In the course of the past year, there had been
systematic attempts to tamper with the loyalty of the soldiers and the
police, and there had occurred numerous outbreaks of serious disorders,
directly attributable to the propaganda of the non-co-operation party
amongst the ignorant and excitable masses. It is idle to suggest
that terms of this character fulfilled in any way the essentials laid
down by His Excellency or can reasonably be described as having been
made in response to the sentiments expressed by him. Impossible Requests. I knew them. I knew that I was
playing with fire. I would be failing in my duty if I do not do so. I wanted to avoid violence. But I
had to make my choice. I am
deeply sorry for it; and I am, therefore, here to submit not to a light
penalty but to the highest penalty. I do not ask for mercy. But I was not baffled. But all that hope was shattered. The Khilafat promise was not to be
redeemed. Their
crime consisted in love of their country. This is not an exaggerated picture. I have studied some of the cases tried under
it, and I know that some of the most loved of India's patriots have been
convicted under it. I consider it a privilege therefore, to be charged
under it. M. K. GANDHI. Date |
Place of Disturbance. | of his sons and nephews. The police on the spot finding
| that the fracas became serious, had to resort
| to firing. On arrival of more police, the crowd
| dispersed. When one sepoy was arrested, the
| others interfered and attacked the constable. | Three sepoys were then arrested and put in the
| lock up. | though mostly of trivial articles. | Sania himself was wounded. | unrest. |
Do. Do. |
Do. |
Do. It was only after the military arrived
| that the disturbance ceased. The police were
| compelled to fire in self-defence and to fall
| back towards the works. | course of which one Fatu Mari was attacked by a
| number of Hurs who belaboured him with lathis
| and blows. On
Madura distt. | account of their defiant and aggressive
| attitude, the police had to open fire. |
Do. | had to open fire. |
Do. | the work. | Sukkur district, Sind. The police received a
| complaint that two buffaloes had been stolen by
| some Jagiranis. A general free fight ensued and
| the police seeing that they were overwhelmed by
| weight of numbers, fired in self defence. | Killed one Muhajir. | to the Khilafat Fund. The company declined and
| was attacked at night. The police arrived on
| the Scene and used fire-arms. The police fired
Pilibhit. | a few rounds in the air. Perambur. The police lorry
9th December 1920 | which was taking the coolies from the mills to
Madras. The police opened
| fire. Date |
Place of Disturbance. | looting. | course of a flag procession. The police who were
Station, Fyzabad Distt. Giridih. Calcutta. Nagpur. Lillooah. Karachi. Mob fired on by police, one policeman
Nagpur. Kamalia. Ghusuri. | of Pritman Dharma Sabha. Malegaon. Ottapalam. | intimidated. Kaloj Valley. Chandpur. Bombay. Dharwar. Madras. Aligarh. Bariha. | trial of non-co-operators. | Sabha meeting. Jamalpur. | assaulted by a mob. The affray was not due to political
| feelings. | increased wages struck work. |
Do. | Strikes in the Jacob and E. D. Sassoon Mills. A Sub-Inspector and a British officer
Kailana, Chakrata U. P. | were killed. The police fled, the sub-inspector
| as far as Meerut. A second sub-inspector came
| to the rescue. |
Darrang District, Assam | Strike of tea garden coolies. | Fifty-two arrests were made. Bombay. | way to the Jail. They resisted the Police. A crowd
Calcutta. | quickly gathered. | maidan. One of these attacked the police on
| duty and forced them to retire on the thana. During the disturbances
| some shots were fired. | Five rioters were killed. | was assaulted when he visited the _hat_ for
| the purpose. Calcutta. | One of these attacked the Police who retired to
| the thana. They,
| however, succeeded in relieving the
| thana. Some shots were fired by the Police and
| two rifles were lost. The police force being insufficient, the
| military were summoned but before this the
| Assistant Commissioner of Police Mr. Bartley
| was seriously assaulted and about 20 police
| injured and so were several rioters. In the melee four or five shots
| were fired. | general. Europeans and Parsis were attacked and
| liquor shops, etc, were set on fire. Military
| aid was requisitioned. Eighty-three police
| were wounded. Two of these
| subsequently died. | for having recourse to violence. The police
| were forced to fire on the 24th a large number
| assembled to renew the attack, but Alwar troops
| and Reserve Police dispersed them. | Nilphamari. Some shots fired
| in the air. Eight of public
| were also injured. They broke open almirahs, took out tools,
| broke open locks and gates and attempted to
| scale walls. It was necessary to call up the
| armed guard and to order firing. Sixteen shots
| were fired, several of them in the air. | were disturbances in Madras City. Other casualities not
| known. | hundred. The police made six arrests but the
| crowd attacked them with sticks, stones and
| bottles and they had to let their prisoners go
| and to retreat towards the police station. | The police then made good their escape. | the S.D.O. was attacked by about 200 men. | liquor shops. In the course of this incident one rifle
| was lost by the police. A crowd of about 2,000
| then gathered and pelted the police. | an assault on the Manager and Assistant
| Manager. | frustrated by police. | The owner of the bazar is a loyal zaminder. They attacked the
| police station with kunkars and bricks. The mob
| rushed the police and they fled, some into the
| fields and some into the buildings. Resistance
| to the mob was, I fear, badly organised. Then
| the mob tore up two rails on the line, cut
| telegraph wires and scattered. One as result being rendered
Jamalpur. | unconscious. | Military police arrived on evening 11th. | in procession despite prohibition. The volunteers and crowd
| rallied at the Town Hall. The police seized the
| Congress office, tore down and burnt the flags. | The crowds remained hostile. With military
| assistance the situation in now in hand. No
| firing was done by the military. All is quiet now. Jamumamukh. |
Do. | a large body of Lathials attacked the Police
| from behind. Police force then returned to
| thana. One rifle was lost. What ensued is well known to the
Members of this Assembly. I defy any Member of this Assembly
to say otherwise. It might well have been
argued that the circumstances were exceptional. Before I come to that however, I want to
deal with another point. It was the occasion of the
landing of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the heir to the
Throne of England. That Sir, is
the result of non-violent non-co-operation. Why, it was pathetic to read
his words next day. He was full of sorrow, but he had not thought of the
consequences of his act before. After all he had warning on previous
occasions. Well, Sir, I do not know that I need go through the events of
these terrible days. All this was the result of this non-violent
movement. It is idle for any one to deny it. I do not suppose the Members of this Assembly know who they were; they
were prominent murderers; some, if not all of them, were hanged. Now I ask the Assembly to ponder those words. I have got a
report here from the Bihar Government. One of the
incidents is worthy of special mention, indeed many of them are. Now, is that intimidation or is it not? ('Hear, hear'.) I believe, up to a certain point at any
rate, it has been successful. Sir, now what was Mr. Gandhi's reply to this? Lastly, it is for them to ponder their responsibility not only
to the Assembly, not only to the Government and to the country, but also
to themselves.