The Philippines a Century Hence by José Rizal

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Summary
--From a public address at Fargo, N.D., on April 7th. 1903, by the President of the United States. José Rizal in life voiced the aspirations of his countrymen and as the different elements in his divided native land recognized that these were the essentials upon which all were agreed and that their points of difference among themselves were not vital, dissension disappeared and there came an united Philippines. I am writing for other ages. If this could read me, they would burn my books, the work of my whole life. On the other hand, the generation which interprets these writings will be an educated generation; they will understand me and say: 'Not all were asleep in the night-time of our grandparents'." --The Philosopher Tasio, in Noli Me Tangere. "The old situation is no longer possible of maintenance, with the changed conditions of the present time. In the long run, the Spanish system cannot prevail over the American. The Philippines will so much the less escape the influence of the two great neighboring empires, since neither the islands nor their metropolis are in a condition of stable equilibrium. So great endurance reached its climax with the insults, and the lethargic spirit woke to life. Such is an outline of their past. Now, what will their future be? Will the Philippine Islands continue to be a Spanish colony, and if so, what kind of colony? And to reach this stage, what kind of sacrifices will have to be made? II. Now, then, are the Philippines in the same condition they were three centuries ago? On the other hand, the present situation seems to be gilded and rosy--as we might say, a beautiful morning compared to the vexed and stormy night of the past. True it is that neither were the natives of that time such as we are now: three centuries of brutalization and obscurantism have necessarily had some influence upon us, the most beautiful work of divinity in the hands of certain artisans may finally be converted into a caricature. If they wrote, they did so in defense of the rights of the native and made his cry reach even to the distant steps of the Throne. All this has passed away. The people no longer has confidence in its former protectors, now its exploiters and executioners. True it is that the Penal Code has come like a drop of balm to such bitterness. It may indeed be a suicidal attempt--but then, what? So they all failed. Perhaps, but it is a very dangerous means. Moreover, when there are wealth and abundance, there is less discontent, less complaint, and the government, itself wealthier, has more means for sustaining itself. On the other hand, there occurs in a poor country what happens in a house where bread is wanting. And further, of what use to the mother country would a poor and lean colony be? In short, then, the advancement and ethical progress of the Philippines are inevitable, are decreed by fate. For new men, a new social order. The Philippines, then, will remain under Spanish domination, but with more law and greater liberty, or they will declare themselves independent, after steeping themselves and the mother country in blood. III. But notwithstanding all that have been ordered up to the present time, they have produced scanty results, for the government as well as for the country. All the reforms of our liberal ministers were, have been, are, and will be good--when carried out. When we think of them, we are reminded of the dieting of Sancho Panza in his Barataria Island. The dish removed, Sancho was as hungry as ever. True it is that the despotic Pedro Rezio gave reasons, which seem to have been written by Cervantes especially for the colonial administrations: "You must not eat, Mr. Governor, except according to the usage and custom of other islands where there are governors." A government that rules a country from a great distance is the one that has the most need for a free press, more so even than the government of the home country, if it wishes to rule rightly and fitly. To govern in any other way may also be called governing, but it is to govern badly. A nation acquires respect, not by abetting and concealing abuses, but by rebuking and punishing them. Moreover, to this prestige is applicable what Napoleon said about great men and their valets. One of three things: either that they will prove unruly, become political trimmers, or act properly. And would not this be better than the discontent that ferments and expands in the secrecy of the home, in the huts and in the fields? Frankly, it is a great compliment to the separatists to fear them in the midst of the Cortes of the nation. They would be a few more favorable votes, and the government could laugh openly at the separatists, if any there be. Law has no skin, nor reason nostrils. Every country gets the fate it deserves, and the government can say that it has done its duty. With no cause for discontent, how then attempt to stir up the masses of the people? They are the very ones who most need it. It subdues the barbarous nations, while injustice arouses the weakest. Then, if the native does not shake off his indolence he can not complain when he sees all the offices filled by Castilas. The native is, moreover, very fond of peace and prefers an humble present to a brilliant future. For the present we are satisfied with the outlines, and no one can say that we ask too much. When the book was published these things were looked upon as dreams, impossibilities, that is, Utopianism. The press there also is free. Only Spain, which in the sixteenth century was the model nation in civilization, lags far behind. The Philippines in the early days had theirs, who conferred with the King and the Pope on the needs of the country. All this, and more, is true, but it is pure sentimentality, and in the arena of politics stern necessity and interests prevail. The noble Spanish people, so jealous of its rights and liberties, can not bid the Filipinos renounce theirs. IV. One of the two had to yield and succumb. One of the longest dominations was that of the Moors in Spain, which lasted seven centuries. Necessity is the most powerful divinity the world knows, and necessity is the resultant of physical forces set in operation by ethical forces. One of the peoples must succumb. He has the intrepidity of his bull. Furthermore, there exist in the United Kingdom tendencies and opinions to the effect that she already has too many colonies, that they are harmful, that they greatly weaken the sovereign country. Thus we see her attitude, as much in the Pacific as in Africa, is confined to conquering easy territory that belongs to nobody. France loves glory, but the glory and laurels that grow on the battlefields of Europe. The echo from battlefields in the Far East hardly satisfies her craving for renown, for it reaches her quite faintly. She has also other obligations, both internally and on the continent. Holland proceeds with great caution in Sumatra and Borneo, from fear of losing everything. The same is true of Japan. True it is that she has an excess of population, but Korea attracts her more than the Philippines and is, also, easier to seize. North America would be quite a troublesome rival, if she should once get into the business. Furthermore, this is contrary to her traditions. But the most logical prognostication, the prophecy based on the best probabilities, may err through remote and insignificant causes. Fortunately, peoples as well as governments are subject to it. "From the very beginning, when I first had notice of what was being planned, I opposed it, and demonstrated its absolute impossibility. This is the fact, and witnesses to my words are now living. I was convinced that the scheme was utterly absurd, and, what was worse, would bring great suffering. "I did even more. This equally is of record. I have recommended in my writings the study of civic virtues, without which there is no redemption. "Return, then, to your homes, and may God pardon those who have worked in bad faith. José Rizal. "Fort Santiago, December 15th, 1896. "For Rizal the question is of opportuneness, not of principles nor of aims. "So far from being conducive to peace, it could advance in the future the spirit of rebellion. "Manila, December 19th, 1896." It said--"If you persist in your idea of going to Cuba, etc." How is he chief who when he says no, they say yes? Eighthly.--If it was reorganized nine months afterwards by other persons, as now is said, I was ignorant of the fact. I think not. Why was not an acquaintance sent, in whom I would have had more confidence? Fort Santiago, Dec. 26, 1896. JOSE RIZAL. RESPECTING THE REBELLION. The manuscript is now in the possession of Sr. Eduardo Lete, of Saragossa, Spain. I had no notice at all of what was being planned until the first or second of July, in 1896, when Pio Valenzuela came to see me, saying that an uprising was being arranged. I told him that it was absurd, etc., etc. I advised him that they should have patience, etc., etc. "Besides, said I, don't consider me but our country which is the one that will suffer." From "Mi Piden Versos" (1882), verses from Madrid for his mother. From "A Mi Musa" (1884), requested by a young lady of Madrid. [4] Cervantes' "Don Quijote," Part II, chapter 47. End of Project Gutenberg's The Philippines A Century Hence, by Jose Rizal